It's finally happened. Eighteen years after the assassination of
far-right rabbi Meir Kahane, racism and hardline nationalism are becoming mainstream in Israeli politics - and by the way not just on the right side of the spectrum - the disease is also making inroads in so-called 'moderate' circles, as became evident during the Gaza offensive. Israeli newsreaders whose facial expressions beytrayed signs of empathy for suffering Palestinians were castigated as unpatriotic.
Yonit Levy of Channel 2 became the target of hate mail and a critical online poll with thousands logging their objections.
The electoral process that once rejected Kahane's vision, will likely strengthen a brand of populist nationalism that would find much to its liking in the late-rabbi's hardline views.
With the tilt to the right,
Likud should do well in the upcoming election. Netanyahu has pledged that far-right Avigdor Lieberman will be an "important minister" in his government. Not surprising given the surge of support for Lieberman's brand of populist politics.
Lieberman is chairman of the Yisrael Beiteinu (Israel is our Home) party. His far-right credentials go back quite a ways. Even though a secularist, he was a member of the Kach party when Kahane was making headlines.
Gideon Levy writing in Haaretz
says this of Lieberman and his party:
But the nightmare is here and now. Kahane is alive and kicking - is he ever - in the person of his thuggish successor. This is not just a matter of disqualifying Yisrael Beiteinu; it is not even a matter of this party's growing strength to terrifying proportions, becoming the fulcrum that will decide who becomes prime minister. This is a matter of legitimization. All society bears responsibility for it.
Meir Kahane doing his thing in Jerusalem
Avigdor Lieberman is a big hit with the Russian contingent in Israel. He was born in Kishinev in the former Soviet Union and worked for a period as a bouncer in a nightclub in Moldavia prior to immigrating to Israel in 1978 at the age of 20. His popularity in Israel doesn't appear to have been adversely affected by the
allegations of corruption leveled at his inner circle.
Lieberman is a populist politician with the instincts of a thug. A demagogue whose supporters warm up rallies with chants such as "death to the Arabs." The track record of this guy should send chills up the spine of anyone who holds any genuine hope for regional peace.
Not so long ago Lieberman called for the execution of any Israeli Arab MP's who talk with Hamas. He also likened the Israeli attack on Gaza to the American offensive against Japan in WW2 - a none-too-subtle analogy given the dropping of atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki.
The emergence of Lieberman into mainstream political life has horrified those Israelis who know only too well what he stands for.
This is how Mr Levy puts it
in the recent Haaretz article:Lieberman and his soldiers are borne on the tides of hatred for Arabs, hatred of democracy and the rule of law, and the stink of nationalism, racism and bloodthirstiness. These have turned, horrifically, into the hottest electoral assets on the market. Like all others of his political ilk, he cynically fans these base urges, particularly among the weaker classes, the rejected, the poor and the immigrants. But not just there. Many young people, among them brainwashed soldiers, will give him their vote, and no one ostracizes them. He chose an easy, relatively weak target, Israel's Arabs, and sets his supporters on them. But his doctrine has seeped in much deeper than that.
A cursory look at Lieberman's record gives good reason for concern.
In 2003, Ariel Sharon made a commitment to the US with respect to amnesty for approximately 350 Palestinian prisoners. Lieberman offered a mafia-like solution of his own. He said: "It would be better to drown these prisoners in the Dead Sea if possible, since that's the lowest point in the world."
Lieberman didn't let it go at that - he continued to elaborate. According to Galei Tzahai (Israel army radio), he stated his willingness as minister of transportation, to supply the buses to take the prisoners to be drowned.
This is by no means the only example of Lieberman's extremist mindset. In 2002, he proposed answering Palestinian attacks this way: "if it were up to me I would notify the Palestinian Authority that tomorrow at ten in the morning we would bomb all their places of business in Ramallah, for example."
Lieberman is the type of politician who would be sidelined in European politics and kept on a short leash. But as Gideon Levy points out, he is now welcomed in every Israeli living room and television studio ...
Lieberman is the voice of the mob, and the mob craves hatred, vengeance and bloodshed. A useless war in which hundreds of children were killed was received here sympathetically, if not happily. The parties from the right and center have tried to disqualify the Arab parties; these lists are also excluded ahead of time in every political calculation. And Arab students cannot rent an apartment.
When the intifada of Israel's Arabs breaks out here one day, we will know whom to blame - those who criminally incited against them and, no less, those who turned this incitement into something acceptable and legitimate. This cancerous growth has spread to all parts of society; it remains only to issue a desperate last call: Keep away from this abomination. Anything but Yisrael Beiteinu, lest it really become Israel, our home.
If it's a close result Tuesday or even if Livni pulls off a slim win, Lieberman will potentially be in a position to be a King or Queen-maker. Since he is a secularist he may consider working with Livni. If she agrees to hook up with Lieberman, it's almost worse than if he made an arrangement with Likud, because he will import his poison with him.
For Gideon Levy's
article in full link to Haaretz - here.Tags:
Israel elections, election in Israel, Likud, Benjamin Netanyahu, Avigdor Lieberman, Yisrael Beiteinu, Meir Kahane, Kach Party, Haaretz, Gideon Levy, right-wing politics in Israel, far-right in Israel, extremism in Israel, Israeli nationalism